Pakistan's Rich and Poor
By Imtiaz Gul
Garhi Khuda Bux (Sind) - Once again, the tide of goodwill in the aftermath of the super-flood favours Pakistan. By himself flying over the affected areas and later giving a graphic description of the devastationthe UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon persuaded members of his organization to step forward and help Pakistan cope with the consequences of what he described as the “slow-motion tsunami.”
And rightly so. It is indeed a “slow-motion Tsunami” because it will now amplify the consequences of a system that rests on a morally bankrupt, intellectually poor, politically self-serving, culturally bigoted and financially corrupt ruling elite comprising politicians, bureaucracy, feudal lords, generals and their apologists in all spheres of life.
And the Garhi Khuda Bux – the ancestral town the Bhuttos – exemplifies the disconnect between this ruling elite and the hapless masses on the one hand, and the misplaced priorities on the other; a huge domed complex now stands over the old graveyard where all the Bhuttos are resting. The three-dombed marble complex is now called the Mazar- the mausoleum, built with public money – drawn from the provincial and the federal kitty. A huge boundary wall, running into hundreds of meters, is being built as the foreyard of the mausoleum, all with expensive holed-blocs, imported from Karachi.
Both and inside the mausoleum, dozens of half-naked children and elderly locals are idling around. Some barefoot, some without shirts, you can count the rib-cage of these emaciated figures. Their faces betray the story of poverty and the miserable life they live under the shadow of this towering complex. Looking at the physical expense and the financial expense incurred on it, it appears as if poverty , education and health facilities for the thousands living by the mausoleum have been taken care of.
The lay-out of the graves inside offers even more disconcerting and reflects how the quest for personal and undivided glory precedes human relations; beside the grave of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto is the resting place of the daughter i.e. Benazir Bhutto. Behind these two lie the graves of grandparents but where are the two brothers – Murtaza and Shahnawaz – we ask one of the frail care-takers. He points to two graves behind us – several meters away from the two P.M. graves behind a huge column. Rather than being beside their father, the two brothers were buried at the foot-side of senior Bhutto.
We try to ask for the reason and none of the “wretched of Garhi Khuda Bux” dares tell us the truth; they say the mazar committee incharge must have decided where the brothers would be buried. We don’t expect any better explanation from these down-trodden faithful followers of senior Bhutto. We can only infer that the sister was so overwhelmed with power and authority that she decided to put the brothers away from their father, practically in isolation of others.
Once outside the Mausoleum, we witness more scenes of grueling poverty in the village, with men and women toiling in the sweltering humid heat. This place of phenomenal contrasts only a few kilometers away from Rato Panjdero, Rato Dero and Larkana, the town which the Bhuttos used a launching pad for their political careers.
While driving past these poverty-stricken villages, one wonders how these poor farmers and daily wage workers feel when their representatives zoom past them in their land-cruisers or flying over their heads in helicopters. The dividend of empowerment flows to the elected ones and those empowering them remain stuck in perennial poverty.
Larkana itself represents another distressing story of neglect and extremely poor governance. Dusty, broken and tattered roads, choked sewage lines boiling on to the roads, parts of the town littered with garbage. This is the scene today of the town that gave Pakistan two prime ministers.
Almost a 100,000 displaced from Garhi Khairo and Shahdadkot in particular have taken refuge in Larkana, which is protected by two protective dykes – Nusrat Loop Band and Aqil Aghani Band -. Dozens of heavy machines – tractors, excavators – have been working round the clock to reinforce these dykes to protect , Larkana from the wild overflow of the Indus.
One wonders whether other towns currently submerged in water – Kubo Saeed Khan, Shahdadkot, Thattha, Nasirabad, Rojhan Jamali and scores of others also received the same unusual vigilance. Probably not.
Mother Nature played havoc in October 2005. It is wreaking havoc again in August 2010. It has dispossessed the majority of those living along or near the Indus River basin, while those empowered by the majority are once again stuck in their point-scoring, selfish squabbles, eyeing dividends that will flow from the aid for those affected. God save the hapless majority.
Imtiaz Gul is a senior journalist and political and security analyst working for German radio and many international publications. For his intrusive analysis visit his website www.imtiazgul.com
Wednesday, August 25, 2010
Saturday, August 21, 2010
indus saga
Indus Saga
Modern Indus civilization
devastated by floods
By Shamim-ur-Rahman
The fury of the raging Indus , one of the mightiest rivers on planet Earth has uprooted almost everything from its foundations, swept away many to eternal abode , and has made millions shelter less and refugees in their own country which is unable to deal with this one of the greatest human tragedy of modern times. The UN Secretary General has described it much greater a tragedy than Tsunami and the 2005 earthquake in Pakistan and Haiti’s tragedy.
Water is everywhere with hardly any space to bury the dead. Those who survived the suddenness of the fury of Hydra were now suffering from water-borne diseases. Scores are losing the battle for survival every day. A large number of people, especially children, were suffering from diarrhea, skin diseases, and above all the trauma of losing everything including the family moorings.
Roads, bridges, railway track, homes and other public utilities have been devastated while millions of acres of agriculture land has been swallowed by the mighty Indus. Crops that would have fetched billions of rupees have been destroyed and the farmers do not have the seeds to grow the next crop when the water recedes. There is hardly anything left for the grazing of livestock which has died in thousands. While the flood water will eventually recede and mingle with the sea water, its aftermath is more horrifying.
While Pakistan’s resources are very meager and stretched due to its frontline role in the global war on terrorism, it has become global community’s responsibility for the survival of this nuclearised torch bearer of the ancient Indus valley civilization that has seen many ups and downs.
If the world community failed or slackened in mobilizing sufficient funds and plans on fast track basis, it might be providing space to extremists and ideologically militants backing many non-state actors to overthrow the democratic dispensation that can only survive if it can deliver the bread and butter needs of the people, provide them shelter, education and health care.
In the past the decline of the Indus civilization has been attributed to changes in the courses of Indus and Ravi, changing pattern of monsoon, as is the case of climate change at the moment.
If no swift and serious action plan is devised and implemented, the natural calamity might cause erosion of a vibrant democratic polity in the region. The real challenge therefore is to determine the inner ailment of the successor of Indus civilization. While the government here is making all sorts of efforts to overcome the tragedy and resettle the uprooted people, the international community must understand that if it did not allow Pakistan to rebuild infrastructure and provide basic amenities at cheaper cost for sometimes, such as gas, electricity, gas, petrol and fertilizer, it will be doing a great disservice to the humanity. In that case democracy will lose and extremism will become a dominant force. The rise of extremism in Pakistan is linked to high cost of input that has made its industries non-competitive, rendered millions jobless while the government is unable to address their bread and butter issues due to lack of resources, making the country heavily dependent on the World Bank and IMF salvage baskets. Pakistanis are determined to change this situation as quickly as possible by rebuilding their country and protect it from extremists and jingoist elements that have become a serious threat to the international community.
The enormity of the floods is evident from the accompanying video prepared by my daughter Ayesha Rehman. Visit http://www.youtube.com/watch?
Thursday, August 19, 2010
Saturday, August 14, 2010
Indus changing its course?
Indus Changing Its Course
By Shamim-ur-Rahman
Due to silting Sukkur Barrage cannot withstand the pressures of high floods, as has been witnessed in the past.The River Indus is the lifeline of Pakistan. However, due to inadequate maintenance of its embankments and massive silting, fears have been expressed that the Indus might change its course again, which will have a grave impact on the economy of Sindh.Every time the Indus changed its course in the past, the irrigation system was destroyed resulting in political upheavals.Sukkur Barrage is vital to the country’s agro-economy, especially Sindh and Balochistan. A warning was sounded when two of the gates on its right side had to be repaired during General Musharraf’s tenure. There were even suggestions to build another barrage at a convenient place upstream to tame the Indus. If urgent steps are not taken, historians may accuse us of destroying our civilisation.Recently at a Sindh Assembly briefing Elahi Bux Soomro, the former Speaker of the National Assembly (himself an engineer), pointed out the dangers faced by Sukkur Barrage in northern Sindh.The danger became noticeable because of non-maintenance. If immediate corrective measures are not taken, the barrage may not last for more than eight to 10 years.There is also a danger of large-scale destruction and the river changing its course permanently in the case of high floods, which are not unusual. Due to silting the barrage cannot withstand the pressure of high floods, as witnessed in the past.Silt has been allowed to accumulate in upstream of the barrage. As a result, new islands have appeared. One large island is blocking seven gates of the barrage.The areas of the old natural islands of Sadhu Bela and the one which connects the Lansdown train bridge to the main banks at Rohri and Sukkur have increased manifold due to the accumulated silt along the river banks. The size of the channel has been reduced to one-third of its original size.What is worst is the fact that parks, restaurants, houses, mosques and other structures have been allowed to be built on these new islands and silt banks. Large scale cultivation with embankments erected to keep out the high flows of the river can be seen all over within the river course.In the original design of the barrage two-mile long guide walls were built on both banks of the river. These walls went right up to Lansdown Railway Bridge.No structures or encroachment was allowed within these walls in order to ensure that the width of the river was protected at all times. Regular cleaning of the silt from the river banks was carried out to ensure that the depth of the pond was maintained.Sukkur Barrage is known to have taken high-floods of one million plus cusecs easily. In 1973 and 1976 it withstood flows of 1.4 million cusecs. With the width of the channel reduced to one-third, obstacles and encroachments have appeared within the guide walls and experts feel that a flow of 500, 000 cusecs may be difficult to pass.They also fear that in the case of high-floods the river may break its banks upstream of Sukkur and the cities of Jacobabad, Larkana, Shikarpur and hundreds of villages in the area may come under water. The river may also adopt a new permanent course after breaking its banks making Sukkur Barrage redundant.The protective walls at the mouth of the canals on both banks are a part of the design and were built in order to stop silt from the mainstream from going into the canals and heavily silting them up.Canals draw their water from the narrow channels between the protective walls and the canal heads. The width of these channels on the two banks covers five gates of the barrage on the right side and six on the left bank.Removing silt accumulating in these channels is part of the maintenance routine of the barrage. Under this procedure depth-soundings are taken within these narrow channels on a daily basis in order to ascertain the amount of silt collecting at the bottom.Whenever the amount of silt goes above the maximum permissible level, the gates of canals are closed and those of the barrage are opened for a few hours to let the silt pass downstream with the flow.Usually this scarring operation, as it is called, is undertaken every 30 or 40 days. For the last four years depth soundings have not been recorded and the scarring operation is being conducted only presently after a gap of almost four years.Naturally the gates of the barrage on side channels are being opened for as long as 48 hours in the present operation instead of the usual six to eight hours. The operation may not succeed as the silt accumulated over the years may have transformed into a firm riverbed. In that case, a large scale and costly dredging would be the only available option.With the bed of the river having gone up and demands in the re-modelled canals rising, a grave situation is emerging.Now water is flowing above the gates of the barrage in the canal but the gates have been designed to let the water flow under them and not over them.New pressure on the gates is developing and if one or two gates of the barrage give way, there will be no barrage left.Irrigation officials are in a fix as to how this problem could be tackled while ensuring increased flow into the canals.However, there cannot be a compromise on removing the encroachments within the guide walls and restoring the width of the pond to its designed size. There may be a problem because of the construction of three mosques which may be difficult to remove.An expert, however, believes that in the case of a flood of 500,000 cusec plus, not only these three, but many other mosques situated on the right bank will go under water apart from damaging the barrage.Some analysts believe that changes in the course of the River Indus and decline in the irrigation system had made the conquest of Sindh easy for Mohammad bin Qasim. Experts are also of the view that choking up of the canal’s mouth or falling into the level of the river will create precarious conditions for farmers.Sukkur Barrage is meant to maintain the desired level of water on the upstream side of river. When the water in the river is in excess, surplus must be allowed to flow downstream by raising the gates. When there is shortfall, the flow of water downstream is either reduced or cut off to maintain the desired level on the upstream.
published in Daily Dawn Oct 12, 2008
www.dawn.com
By Shamim-ur-Rahman
Due to silting Sukkur Barrage cannot withstand the pressures of high floods, as has been witnessed in the past.The River Indus is the lifeline of Pakistan. However, due to inadequate maintenance of its embankments and massive silting, fears have been expressed that the Indus might change its course again, which will have a grave impact on the economy of Sindh.Every time the Indus changed its course in the past, the irrigation system was destroyed resulting in political upheavals.Sukkur Barrage is vital to the country’s agro-economy, especially Sindh and Balochistan. A warning was sounded when two of the gates on its right side had to be repaired during General Musharraf’s tenure. There were even suggestions to build another barrage at a convenient place upstream to tame the Indus. If urgent steps are not taken, historians may accuse us of destroying our civilisation.Recently at a Sindh Assembly briefing Elahi Bux Soomro, the former Speaker of the National Assembly (himself an engineer), pointed out the dangers faced by Sukkur Barrage in northern Sindh.The danger became noticeable because of non-maintenance. If immediate corrective measures are not taken, the barrage may not last for more than eight to 10 years.There is also a danger of large-scale destruction and the river changing its course permanently in the case of high floods, which are not unusual. Due to silting the barrage cannot withstand the pressure of high floods, as witnessed in the past.Silt has been allowed to accumulate in upstream of the barrage. As a result, new islands have appeared. One large island is blocking seven gates of the barrage.The areas of the old natural islands of Sadhu Bela and the one which connects the Lansdown train bridge to the main banks at Rohri and Sukkur have increased manifold due to the accumulated silt along the river banks. The size of the channel has been reduced to one-third of its original size.What is worst is the fact that parks, restaurants, houses, mosques and other structures have been allowed to be built on these new islands and silt banks. Large scale cultivation with embankments erected to keep out the high flows of the river can be seen all over within the river course.In the original design of the barrage two-mile long guide walls were built on both banks of the river. These walls went right up to Lansdown Railway Bridge.No structures or encroachment was allowed within these walls in order to ensure that the width of the river was protected at all times. Regular cleaning of the silt from the river banks was carried out to ensure that the depth of the pond was maintained.Sukkur Barrage is known to have taken high-floods of one million plus cusecs easily. In 1973 and 1976 it withstood flows of 1.4 million cusecs. With the width of the channel reduced to one-third, obstacles and encroachments have appeared within the guide walls and experts feel that a flow of 500, 000 cusecs may be difficult to pass.They also fear that in the case of high-floods the river may break its banks upstream of Sukkur and the cities of Jacobabad, Larkana, Shikarpur and hundreds of villages in the area may come under water. The river may also adopt a new permanent course after breaking its banks making Sukkur Barrage redundant.The protective walls at the mouth of the canals on both banks are a part of the design and were built in order to stop silt from the mainstream from going into the canals and heavily silting them up.Canals draw their water from the narrow channels between the protective walls and the canal heads. The width of these channels on the two banks covers five gates of the barrage on the right side and six on the left bank.Removing silt accumulating in these channels is part of the maintenance routine of the barrage. Under this procedure depth-soundings are taken within these narrow channels on a daily basis in order to ascertain the amount of silt collecting at the bottom.Whenever the amount of silt goes above the maximum permissible level, the gates of canals are closed and those of the barrage are opened for a few hours to let the silt pass downstream with the flow.Usually this scarring operation, as it is called, is undertaken every 30 or 40 days. For the last four years depth soundings have not been recorded and the scarring operation is being conducted only presently after a gap of almost four years.Naturally the gates of the barrage on side channels are being opened for as long as 48 hours in the present operation instead of the usual six to eight hours. The operation may not succeed as the silt accumulated over the years may have transformed into a firm riverbed. In that case, a large scale and costly dredging would be the only available option.With the bed of the river having gone up and demands in the re-modelled canals rising, a grave situation is emerging.Now water is flowing above the gates of the barrage in the canal but the gates have been designed to let the water flow under them and not over them.New pressure on the gates is developing and if one or two gates of the barrage give way, there will be no barrage left.Irrigation officials are in a fix as to how this problem could be tackled while ensuring increased flow into the canals.However, there cannot be a compromise on removing the encroachments within the guide walls and restoring the width of the pond to its designed size. There may be a problem because of the construction of three mosques which may be difficult to remove.An expert, however, believes that in the case of a flood of 500,000 cusec plus, not only these three, but many other mosques situated on the right bank will go under water apart from damaging the barrage.Some analysts believe that changes in the course of the River Indus and decline in the irrigation system had made the conquest of Sindh easy for Mohammad bin Qasim. Experts are also of the view that choking up of the canal’s mouth or falling into the level of the river will create precarious conditions for farmers.Sukkur Barrage is meant to maintain the desired level of water on the upstream side of river. When the water in the river is in excess, surplus must be allowed to flow downstream by raising the gates. When there is shortfall, the flow of water downstream is either reduced or cut off to maintain the desired level on the upstream.
published in Daily Dawn Oct 12, 2008
www.dawn.com
Saturday, May 22, 2010
battlefield city
Battlefield city
By: Shamim-ur-Rahman
Internecine political battles are making Karachi a dangerous place to live
A new extremism has developed in Pakistan’s economic hub, Karachi, a city that is increasingly serving as a safe haven for extremist groups backed by criminal mafias and certain political elements. The reported arrest of a top Taliban leader, Mulla Abdul Ghani Baradar, from the outskirts of Karachi in mid-February has only made this new dynamic clearer, and more ominous. The arrest not only proved that the network of al-Qaeda- and Taliban-linked fighters is well-entrenched and active across the north-south length of Pakistan; but the joint operation, conducted by Pakistan and American intelligence operatives, also sent a message that Pakistan might no longer be the safe haven that it once was. However, if the government fails to address ‘bread and butter’ issues – providing employment, controlling inflation and ensuring the availability of essential items – and the political parties continue to fight among themselves for narrow vested interests, the Taliban could still spring a surprise. If this happened, it would most likely be with the support of the sizeable fundamentalist-minded and generally disgruntled segments of Pakistani society.
The sheer number, scale and consistency of the attacks on Karachi are all adding to the worries of already disoriented city citizens. From October 2009 through mid-February, about 200 people have been killed in both politically motivated targeted killings and extremist blasts in various parts of Karachi, while several hundred more have been injured. Alongside, billions of rupees have been lost due to looting, arson and the closure of businesses during strikes that have been called by various political parties to highlight the lack of security. Yet while extremist attacks are getting much of the headlines and anger, the city has been under particular pressure due to the targeted killing of activists aligned with various political outfits – the Sindh-based Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) of the late Benazir Bhutto, the Pashtun-dominated Awami National Party (ANP), the sectarian Sunni Tehrik, the Islamist Jamaat-i-Islami and others. Incredibly, even as the violence mounts, the MQM, PPP and ANP technically remain in a coalition government together.
Most of the time, these assassinations are being carried out by workers aligned with one or the other of these parties. But after each spell of killings, as a response to public outrage, the parties have shifted the blame away from themselves, placing it instead on the ‘land mafia’ and other criminal elements. There is little attempt at introspection and weeding out violent elements from within their own rank and file. Of course, it has come as a shock to many that the three coalition partners in Sindh and in the federal government have been accused of involvement in the recent wave of violence and killings in Karachi, endangering, in addition to public safety, the survival of their own government in Sindh. It is no exaggeration to say that, with the cadre of all three heavily armed and trained in the use of firearms, clashes between the party workers now threaten to plunge the city into a prolonged bloodbath.
Complicating matters further, criminal elements are offering significant assistance to the extremists. Drug money and funds collected by the criminal mafia and extremists are being used to make inroads into various political and religious parties, which need funds to advance their political agendas. For instance, according to senior government officials, both the MQM and the ANP have dons at their behest extorting money, kidnapping for ransom and robbing banks, though both parties have dismissed such charges. Speaking on condition of anonymity, some Western intelligence operatives allege that some of these elements are enjoying the protection of those in the country’s establishment. This view is generally derived from the oft-repeated American reports that Islamabad might be sheltering Taliban fighters in the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan.
Pakistani authorities have vehemently rejected such allegations, however, pointing to the manner in which, in recent months, the Pakistan military had gone into Swat and Waziristan to carry out attacks on militant strongholds. Pakistani authorities insist that most of the militants operating in Pakistan’s tribal areas are actually receiving funds and weapons from the Indian and Israeli agencies, purportedly as part of an ongoing proxy war via Afghanistan. Yet while Pakistani authorities claim to have evidence of Indian involvement in the attacks, they have yet to provide any credible evidence.
Bad for business
While the network of al-Qaeda and Taliban operatives is clearly active in Pakistan today, the apprehension that they will take over Karachi is misplaced. Currently, such scaremongering is being used by MQM sloganeers, evidently in a bid to attract Western support for assistance in easing out much of Karachi’s Pashtun community, who the muhajirs of the MQM view as posing a serious challenge to the party’s longstanding political control over the city. In the past, the MQM and Pashtun have fought ethnically motivated battles on the streets of Karachi, in which certain segments of the security agencies have played an important role. Most importantly, the Pashtun are politically divided between the ANP, the Jamaat-i-Islami and the Jamiat Ulema Islam, while offering almost no support to the MQM.
Critics of the MQM maintain that the party is deliberately using the bogey of Talibanisation to distract attention from its attempts to gain control of more land in the city (see Himal July 2009, “Capturing Karachi”). The MQM deputy convener, Farooq Sattar, has made the accusation that “large numbers of Waziris and Mehsuds fleeing operations in Pakistan’s insurgency-hit tribal areas are settling down in Karachi, undermining the security environment of the city.” Sattar says this anxiety on the part of the MQM has increased significantly over the past year, as tens of thousands of Pashtun have fled the fighting in Swat and Waziristan and arrived in Karachi. As a result, the ANP has suddenly gained strength in the metropolis. There are significant economics at stake, too, with the influx having implications for the hot commodity of Karachi real estate. Activists of all Sindhi political parties are involved in land-grabbing, and the MQM has long been one of the most powerful in this regard. But the growing Pashtun community has led to a strengthened ANP, which evidently is now cutting into what the MQM sees as its ‘business’.
Meanwhile, the MQM has long used its clout over the now-dissolved local-bodies system of the city district government, which completed its four-year term in October 2009 but was given an extension until 31 December. Pashtuns who ave settled in Karachi, as well as the ANP, are now demanding more representation on the ground. Thus, many now believe the appalling law-and-order situation in Karachi to be a direct result of MQM attempts to re-enforce the party’s political and administrative control of the city, in the face of the ANP challenge. The warnings of a ‘growing’ Talibanisation represent a potent card, given the significant support for the ANP that comes from the Pashtun community, accused of harbouring Taliban fighters.
At this critical junction, the provincial government has expressed its determination to restore law and order in Karachi. In this context, it has called upon the police and paramilitary Rangers to use “ruthlessness”, and to shoot suspected extremists on sight. But all the while, the trust deficit between the political parties in Sindh is growing to a dangerous peak. Amidst the burgeoning volcano, one cannot rule out the possibility of a collapse of the PPP-MQM alliance during the upcoming local elections. Given the trends of recent months, such a turn of events would be politically catastrophic, plunging the city into a cycle of violence that could resemble the volatile times of the early 1990s.
(Published in HIMAL SouthAsian's March 2010 issue)
Shamim-ur-Rahman is a journalist in Karachi.
By: Shamim-ur-Rahman
Internecine political battles are making Karachi a dangerous place to live
A new extremism has developed in Pakistan’s economic hub, Karachi, a city that is increasingly serving as a safe haven for extremist groups backed by criminal mafias and certain political elements. The reported arrest of a top Taliban leader, Mulla Abdul Ghani Baradar, from the outskirts of Karachi in mid-February has only made this new dynamic clearer, and more ominous. The arrest not only proved that the network of al-Qaeda- and Taliban-linked fighters is well-entrenched and active across the north-south length of Pakistan; but the joint operation, conducted by Pakistan and American intelligence operatives, also sent a message that Pakistan might no longer be the safe haven that it once was. However, if the government fails to address ‘bread and butter’ issues – providing employment, controlling inflation and ensuring the availability of essential items – and the political parties continue to fight among themselves for narrow vested interests, the Taliban could still spring a surprise. If this happened, it would most likely be with the support of the sizeable fundamentalist-minded and generally disgruntled segments of Pakistani society.
The sheer number, scale and consistency of the attacks on Karachi are all adding to the worries of already disoriented city citizens. From October 2009 through mid-February, about 200 people have been killed in both politically motivated targeted killings and extremist blasts in various parts of Karachi, while several hundred more have been injured. Alongside, billions of rupees have been lost due to looting, arson and the closure of businesses during strikes that have been called by various political parties to highlight the lack of security. Yet while extremist attacks are getting much of the headlines and anger, the city has been under particular pressure due to the targeted killing of activists aligned with various political outfits – the Sindh-based Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) of the late Benazir Bhutto, the Pashtun-dominated Awami National Party (ANP), the sectarian Sunni Tehrik, the Islamist Jamaat-i-Islami and others. Incredibly, even as the violence mounts, the MQM, PPP and ANP technically remain in a coalition government together.
Most of the time, these assassinations are being carried out by workers aligned with one or the other of these parties. But after each spell of killings, as a response to public outrage, the parties have shifted the blame away from themselves, placing it instead on the ‘land mafia’ and other criminal elements. There is little attempt at introspection and weeding out violent elements from within their own rank and file. Of course, it has come as a shock to many that the three coalition partners in Sindh and in the federal government have been accused of involvement in the recent wave of violence and killings in Karachi, endangering, in addition to public safety, the survival of their own government in Sindh. It is no exaggeration to say that, with the cadre of all three heavily armed and trained in the use of firearms, clashes between the party workers now threaten to plunge the city into a prolonged bloodbath.
Complicating matters further, criminal elements are offering significant assistance to the extremists. Drug money and funds collected by the criminal mafia and extremists are being used to make inroads into various political and religious parties, which need funds to advance their political agendas. For instance, according to senior government officials, both the MQM and the ANP have dons at their behest extorting money, kidnapping for ransom and robbing banks, though both parties have dismissed such charges. Speaking on condition of anonymity, some Western intelligence operatives allege that some of these elements are enjoying the protection of those in the country’s establishment. This view is generally derived from the oft-repeated American reports that Islamabad might be sheltering Taliban fighters in the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan.
Pakistani authorities have vehemently rejected such allegations, however, pointing to the manner in which, in recent months, the Pakistan military had gone into Swat and Waziristan to carry out attacks on militant strongholds. Pakistani authorities insist that most of the militants operating in Pakistan’s tribal areas are actually receiving funds and weapons from the Indian and Israeli agencies, purportedly as part of an ongoing proxy war via Afghanistan. Yet while Pakistani authorities claim to have evidence of Indian involvement in the attacks, they have yet to provide any credible evidence.
Bad for business
While the network of al-Qaeda and Taliban operatives is clearly active in Pakistan today, the apprehension that they will take over Karachi is misplaced. Currently, such scaremongering is being used by MQM sloganeers, evidently in a bid to attract Western support for assistance in easing out much of Karachi’s Pashtun community, who the muhajirs of the MQM view as posing a serious challenge to the party’s longstanding political control over the city. In the past, the MQM and Pashtun have fought ethnically motivated battles on the streets of Karachi, in which certain segments of the security agencies have played an important role. Most importantly, the Pashtun are politically divided between the ANP, the Jamaat-i-Islami and the Jamiat Ulema Islam, while offering almost no support to the MQM.
Critics of the MQM maintain that the party is deliberately using the bogey of Talibanisation to distract attention from its attempts to gain control of more land in the city (see Himal July 2009, “Capturing Karachi”). The MQM deputy convener, Farooq Sattar, has made the accusation that “large numbers of Waziris and Mehsuds fleeing operations in Pakistan’s insurgency-hit tribal areas are settling down in Karachi, undermining the security environment of the city.” Sattar says this anxiety on the part of the MQM has increased significantly over the past year, as tens of thousands of Pashtun have fled the fighting in Swat and Waziristan and arrived in Karachi. As a result, the ANP has suddenly gained strength in the metropolis. There are significant economics at stake, too, with the influx having implications for the hot commodity of Karachi real estate. Activists of all Sindhi political parties are involved in land-grabbing, and the MQM has long been one of the most powerful in this regard. But the growing Pashtun community has led to a strengthened ANP, which evidently is now cutting into what the MQM sees as its ‘business’.
Meanwhile, the MQM has long used its clout over the now-dissolved local-bodies system of the city district government, which completed its four-year term in October 2009 but was given an extension until 31 December. Pashtuns who ave settled in Karachi, as well as the ANP, are now demanding more representation on the ground. Thus, many now believe the appalling law-and-order situation in Karachi to be a direct result of MQM attempts to re-enforce the party’s political and administrative control of the city, in the face of the ANP challenge. The warnings of a ‘growing’ Talibanisation represent a potent card, given the significant support for the ANP that comes from the Pashtun community, accused of harbouring Taliban fighters.
At this critical junction, the provincial government has expressed its determination to restore law and order in Karachi. In this context, it has called upon the police and paramilitary Rangers to use “ruthlessness”, and to shoot suspected extremists on sight. But all the while, the trust deficit between the political parties in Sindh is growing to a dangerous peak. Amidst the burgeoning volcano, one cannot rule out the possibility of a collapse of the PPP-MQM alliance during the upcoming local elections. Given the trends of recent months, such a turn of events would be politically catastrophic, plunging the city into a cycle of violence that could resemble the volatile times of the early 1990s.
(Published in HIMAL SouthAsian's March 2010 issue)
Shamim-ur-Rahman is a journalist in Karachi.
Waiting for the Crocodiles
Waiting for the Crocodiles
By Shamim-ur-Rahman
While Pakistan is pressing ahead with initiatives for infrastructure development in the Thar Desert for extracting coal reserves for meeting energy needs of the country, Pakistan Navy is beefing up its defence in the creeks along the Indian border and other coastal areas because the weapons acquisition by the Indian navy following Mumbai terrorist attack was aimed at offensive operations.
Pleading for providing more tactical equipment –such as UAVs, night vision devices and high speed boats to deal with the threat-- Commander Coast, Pakistan Navy Rear Admiral Tayab Ali Dogar recently told me that the Indians were investing a lot in weapons for littoral warfare and brown water navy.
“They have interceptor boats which are very high speed which will be used for interdiction in our area. They are also equipped with UAVs. There is lot of surveillance equipment which will go to UAVs. Midgets are also in their inventory.
“This makes us apprehensive that in the garb of defensive operations they are actually aiming for offensive operations. In view of that we are beefing up our defences. Our knowledge of geography of the area is a big plus for us. But it has to be backed up with lot of equipment,” Admiral Dogar said.
“Navy is trying to get more hovercraft, more weapons and night vision devices so that the force is able to monitor any Indian Marine Commandos (Marcos) and Crocodile Force operations because most of their operations would take place at night.
To a question he said “certainly we need more platforms; we need UAVs for tracking of our fishermen on the Makran Coast; we need them for night patrolling in the Creeks area. They can be equipped with infrared and night vision devices so that any ingress in the area can be countered”.
While plans in this regard have been sent to NHQ for budgetary allocation, Commander Coast was banking on the knowledge of the area and force presence for tackling anybody with “ulterior motives”.
Several large creeks like Sir Creek, Pir Sanai Creek, Pabewari Creek, Vianwari Creek, Koori Creek and Deveri Creek in the region besides numerous drains in the area including the 'Harami Nallah’ (Harami doro) are vulnerable to infiltration. Sir Creek remains a bone of contention between Pakistan and India.
It may be pointed out that during Gen Ziaul Haq’s time the regime had reported lot of ingress of militant outfits through these creeks including that of Al Zulfikar Organization (AZO) activists, alleged to be the armed group formed by the Murtaza Bhutto, son of Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was hanged by the military regime of General Ziaul Haq, That was the time when Pakistani force started physical presence in the creek area of which 75 per cent is in Pakistan’s jurisdiction and 25 percent is on the Indian side.
He drew my attention to the fact that the Gujarat Frontier of BSF has been raising the Crocodile force or Sagar Parharibal on the lines of the elite Marcos of the Indian Navy for effective security along the creek area.`
There is a separate force that is called Marcos (Marine Commandos). They have planned to raise it to about 2500. Darhiwala force, as they are often called, forms a special/covert operations and counter-terrorism unit specializing in sea-based land warfare. Also, they provide support to Indian Army units in specialized areas, such as in occupied Jammu and Kashmir's Wular Lake. The Indian Army maintains the 340 Independent Infantry Brigade (Amphibious) subordinate to 12 Corps (Jodhpur, Rajasthan) of the South Western Command
In view of the evolving threat Commander Coast emphasized the need for integrated response of all the government agencies to all security related issues. He said that Pakistan navy has sent a proposal of a joint maritime security organization in which the Navy will coordinate security related work of the agencies like Karachi Port, Bin Qasim Port, Gwadar Port, and the MSA, Coast Guards, Fisheries, Customs and all such agencies. It will be a sort of Ops room; he said adding that the proposal has been sent to the ministry of Defense.
Asked what protection his force can provide to Pakistani fishermen especially when the Indians are determined to operate more aggressively in the area Admiral Dogar said “nobody will bother them as long as they remain in our international waters. The problem arises when some of them get lost, for whatever reasons, and cross on the other side of the border. He nevertheless reiterated the determination to give a daunting blow to the adversary.
Replying to a question he said that work on data bank of the fishing boats has started with the help of Maritime Security Agency with focus on the established landing points like Karachi, Gawadar, Ormara, Pasni etc. Since there was no authentic data of boats since 1947, due to absence yearly renewal, the process of re-registering them was started and it was also on the agenda of National Maritime Affairs Coordinating Committee (NMACC). There will be periodic registration for which the Navy and MSA are assisting the Fisheries and Ports and shipping departments.
By Shamim-ur-Rahman
While Pakistan is pressing ahead with initiatives for infrastructure development in the Thar Desert for extracting coal reserves for meeting energy needs of the country, Pakistan Navy is beefing up its defence in the creeks along the Indian border and other coastal areas because the weapons acquisition by the Indian navy following Mumbai terrorist attack was aimed at offensive operations.
Pleading for providing more tactical equipment –such as UAVs, night vision devices and high speed boats to deal with the threat-- Commander Coast, Pakistan Navy Rear Admiral Tayab Ali Dogar recently told me that the Indians were investing a lot in weapons for littoral warfare and brown water navy.
“They have interceptor boats which are very high speed which will be used for interdiction in our area. They are also equipped with UAVs. There is lot of surveillance equipment which will go to UAVs. Midgets are also in their inventory.
“This makes us apprehensive that in the garb of defensive operations they are actually aiming for offensive operations. In view of that we are beefing up our defences. Our knowledge of geography of the area is a big plus for us. But it has to be backed up with lot of equipment,” Admiral Dogar said.
“Navy is trying to get more hovercraft, more weapons and night vision devices so that the force is able to monitor any Indian Marine Commandos (Marcos) and Crocodile Force operations because most of their operations would take place at night.
To a question he said “certainly we need more platforms; we need UAVs for tracking of our fishermen on the Makran Coast; we need them for night patrolling in the Creeks area. They can be equipped with infrared and night vision devices so that any ingress in the area can be countered”.
While plans in this regard have been sent to NHQ for budgetary allocation, Commander Coast was banking on the knowledge of the area and force presence for tackling anybody with “ulterior motives”.
Several large creeks like Sir Creek, Pir Sanai Creek, Pabewari Creek, Vianwari Creek, Koori Creek and Deveri Creek in the region besides numerous drains in the area including the 'Harami Nallah’ (Harami doro) are vulnerable to infiltration. Sir Creek remains a bone of contention between Pakistan and India.
It may be pointed out that during Gen Ziaul Haq’s time the regime had reported lot of ingress of militant outfits through these creeks including that of Al Zulfikar Organization (AZO) activists, alleged to be the armed group formed by the Murtaza Bhutto, son of Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was hanged by the military regime of General Ziaul Haq, That was the time when Pakistani force started physical presence in the creek area of which 75 per cent is in Pakistan’s jurisdiction and 25 percent is on the Indian side.
He drew my attention to the fact that the Gujarat Frontier of BSF has been raising the Crocodile force or Sagar Parharibal on the lines of the elite Marcos of the Indian Navy for effective security along the creek area.`
There is a separate force that is called Marcos (Marine Commandos). They have planned to raise it to about 2500. Darhiwala force, as they are often called, forms a special/covert operations and counter-terrorism unit specializing in sea-based land warfare. Also, they provide support to Indian Army units in specialized areas, such as in occupied Jammu and Kashmir's Wular Lake. The Indian Army maintains the 340 Independent Infantry Brigade (Amphibious) subordinate to 12 Corps (Jodhpur, Rajasthan) of the South Western Command
In view of the evolving threat Commander Coast emphasized the need for integrated response of all the government agencies to all security related issues. He said that Pakistan navy has sent a proposal of a joint maritime security organization in which the Navy will coordinate security related work of the agencies like Karachi Port, Bin Qasim Port, Gwadar Port, and the MSA, Coast Guards, Fisheries, Customs and all such agencies. It will be a sort of Ops room; he said adding that the proposal has been sent to the ministry of Defense.
Asked what protection his force can provide to Pakistani fishermen especially when the Indians are determined to operate more aggressively in the area Admiral Dogar said “nobody will bother them as long as they remain in our international waters. The problem arises when some of them get lost, for whatever reasons, and cross on the other side of the border. He nevertheless reiterated the determination to give a daunting blow to the adversary.
Replying to a question he said that work on data bank of the fishing boats has started with the help of Maritime Security Agency with focus on the established landing points like Karachi, Gawadar, Ormara, Pasni etc. Since there was no authentic data of boats since 1947, due to absence yearly renewal, the process of re-registering them was started and it was also on the agenda of National Maritime Affairs Coordinating Committee (NMACC). There will be periodic registration for which the Navy and MSA are assisting the Fisheries and Ports and shipping departments.
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